American Foreign Policy

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AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY

American Foreign Policy



American Foreign Policy

Introduction

An intriguing fact about up to date democracies is that to designated day, only seldom have any announced conflict on any of the others. For this cause, some world managers have adopted the concept of democracy as a panacea that will explain the difficulty of equipped conflicts. Historically, conflicts have been an overwhelmingly male phenomenon. With the exclusion of a couple of Queens, it has been male bosses, war-lords, monarchs, emperors, dictators, and tyrants who have searched conquest and mobilized warriors. In his publication, The End of History and the Last Man, Francis Fukuyama calls men propelled by a powerful yearn to override or conquer megalothymic males. The titles of the most well renowned megalothymic males are well-known: for demonstration Alexander, Caesar, Attila, Saladin, Napoleon, Hitler. A easier period favoured here is hyper-alpha male. And to designated day, democracy has verified to be our most productive heritage means for putting brakes on any one individual's proficiency to use a place of power to start conquests when he, or she, might please. (Zakaria 2003)

 

Discussion

Democracy diffuses power and thereby places restraints on the advocate to war. Heads of popular states will not launch a conflict without the consent of others. It is for that cause that spreading democracy all through the world is one foundation of a future without war. Other theorists and political leaders often focus the flexibility democracy presents when they contend for the disperse of democracy. Freedom, after all, is a highly appealing state—we all long to be free. But it is the promise proficiency of democracy to constrain hyper-alpha males who are the generators of conflicts that makes it a foundation here. (Hand 2003)

But a alert is in order. A democratic/republican pattern of government will not eradicate the innate male inclination to request dominance utilising aggression and the manipulation of that inclination by some to start war. This is particularly factual for those democracies that are not completely mature: for demonstration, democracies in which the percentage of women in power is too little to be of consequence. Furthermore, if the powerbrokers in such immature democracies are adept to control the data on which conclusions will be founded, either through commanding the causes of data or the newspapers that broadcasts it, those at the peak can still convince a adequate number of decision-makers to accept the "need" to invade.

When grave confrontations erupt over the circulation of absolutely crucial assets as they have habitually finished and will extend to manage as world community extends to augment even democracies can turn on each other. The world retains its wind when immature democracies like India and Pakistan secure horns. "Democratic" Russia and the "democratic" United States of America, granted their present authorities, could very well take up arms in the future over oil, water, or some other absolutely crucial need. The world desires not just more democracies. It desires completely matured, liberal democracies. If we resolve for less, annals will certainly record that we failed as ...
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