State-Society Relationship in China



Table of Contents

INTRODUCTION3

REFORMS OF BUSINESS ASSOCIATIONS4

FEATURES OF THE REGULATION ON THE REGISTRATION AND MANAGEMENT OF SOCIAL ORGANIZATIONS5

REFORMS AFTER 19986

CASE STUDY: GUANGDONG HOTEL ARTICLES ASSOCIATION (GHAA)7

GHAA and its Establishment7

Operation9

Interaction with the enterprises10

Interaction with the state11

Interact with the society12

ANALYSIS12

BIBLIOGRAPHY14

State-Society Relationship in China

Introduction

In the precedent quarter of a century, researchers in the China field have focused much attention to business associations, hoping to find signs of new state-society relations ensuing from market reform. The questions that crops up about business associations rotate around where the proposal for their formation comes from; how much independence associations have from the state; to what degree they can characterize the interest of their essentials; and so on. Answers to these questions fall into two basic views: statist standpoints that stress state enterprise and see associations as instruments of the state, against a societal view that highlights societal initiative and views associations as novel social organisations with the prospective for expanding democracy.' The statist view established the leading role that the state played in establishing and running business associations represented a new instrument of control in the environment of market economies. As White argues, "The more the economy decentralizes, the more corporatist associations get established as substitute control mechanisms." This view sees either no or very limited autonomy for these associations in representing the interests of their constituents. Considering the fact that associations are embedded in state agencies, resercahers thus calls them "appendages of government or Party Organizations." Hence, it is considered naive to imagine any conflict between business associations and the state. 

By contrast, the societal view captures business initiative in organising associations and predicts more positive roles for them in changing state-society relations that are favourable for future democracy. The search for civil society in contemporary China is driven by an expected link between civil society and democratisation. As White observes, "To the extent that a civil society develops within a Leninist system, it will produce pressure on elites for democratic reforms." Business associations are frequently identified as candidates to fulfil the function of civil society, because their constituents represent "new social forces" created by market reform. Business associations and their constituents are also seen to have resources that the state needs, and thus have special leverage in promoting political change. Empirically, some scholars have found evidence that associations exhibit some societal initiative, enjoy certain autonomy, voice the interest of their members, and try to influence state policy. But few scholars are particularly assertive when they embrace the societal view of business associations. 

Reforms of Business Associations

In the late 1970's, China organizational landscape was marked by almost complete absence of association. During the 1980's and 1990's, as part of efforts to reform the economy and public administration, government officials and agencies, created a large number of business associations. Although in the years immediately following their creation these associations possessed only a rudimentary kind of existence, the beginning of the new millennium, a large number of business associations have become a distinct and increasingly active and influential organizations. Some associations operated essentially as subsidiary organizations of government agencies, while others began to have a measure of de facto independence from the ...