American Jews, like all assemblies characterized by target position in the social structure, brandish patterns of both political cohesion and political division. Many American Jews share a liberal orientation to politics and policies, as well as Democratic partisanship and electoral support, and numerous of the associations which assertion to comprise the political concerns of characteristic Jewish constituencies share liberal policy preferences. Moreover, the group's liberal political profile distinguishes it from Americans usually, significance that Jews focus in a specific niche in the political structure. Together, these components assist to the group's political cohesion.
The political activists are supplying ample political representation to their constituents. Consider first that anything political partition happens amidst the institutionally-affiliated Jews revised here, it does so inside a general convention of political cohesion. Though not as especially liberal as American Jews usually, these institutional affiliates all contain political preferences that drop inside a somewhat enclosed variety of moderate to liberal. They are furthermore more liberal and moderate and less conservative than Americans as an entire, a characteristic political profile that assists to their political cohesion vis-à-vis the society in which they live.
The only attribute of the political partition between the political activists and their constituents that raises anxieties under this form is the consistent main heading of the division: the activists are habitually more liberal than the other institutional participants. It would possibly be preferable if the activists were more liberal on some matters and more conservative on other ones, in which case the liberal and conservative partitions would partially cancel each other out over the sequence of political matters that political activists regularly address representing the coordinated community.
On the other hand, we manage not accept as factual that a consistently liberal bias is without some redeeming value. Indeed, as analysts who are worried with the community's political activities, we believe there may be some advantage to political division. To the span that JCRC leaders (and the professionals who work with them) are cognizant of the political partition between themselves and their constituents, then the political dissimilarities may proceed as an inducement to the activists to regularly assess and, where essential, reformulate the political preferences and policy places they support representing the community. In other phrases, political partition between the activists and the grade and document may just hold the leaders from stagnating in their political thinking.
In addition, our evaluation is that the political partition between the political activists and the other institutional participants is only seldom substantial (concern for minorities), generally rather unassuming (government dimensions and services, church-state parting, heritage liberalism, anti-Semitism, and Middle East calm process), and rarely minor (political ideology and partisanship). To scrounge a saying from Wald (1997:144) and request it to our investigation, if the political activists are not flawlessly agent of the institutional grade and document, neither are they acutely out of step with it. We manage not discount the consistent, statistical clues of institutional lines of political division; ...