[The bio-ethics of abortion; a cross-cultural comparative analysis of cultural politics in Poland and England in 21st century]

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Bio-ethics of abortion

Introduction

Disputes on the legal status of an act of voluntary interruption of pregnancy (abortion) is common to all countries in the process of democratization, but in general, particularly intense in states that are in transition from authoritarian forms of government. Authoritarian regimes have shown a tendency to approach abortion through the prism of the dominant ideology and to impose radical solutions that are explicitly or openly licensing restrictions. In many cases, the subsequent political transition leading to the "democratization of abortion law", which means that the law on abortion, his rewriting and changing its status has been debated public. Therefore, in the context of regime change in 1989, the issue of abortion, including the first [of these] lifted almost all post-communist governments in Central and Eastern Europe. "(Foucault, 1978, p. 94)

According to the theoretical approach of Foucault, the transition period at the beginning, the policy of breeding coincides with the elite "New and old negotiations [ion] ... for the state of the form. Although legislation on Abortion Communist problematized and changes in Central and Eastern Europe and elsewhere the process of creating such disputes, as in Poland. In Europe, the abortion debate has become an integral part of the order business of Parliament and the day was a decisive factor in shaping the post-Communist political scene, where all the new interests and identity manifest itself in the particular mode polarized.

Characteristically, the focus on issues of Polish abortion debate ethical consensus in democratic societies, human dignity and social justice, gender issues and the alleged dichotomy between private and public, and, last but not least, the role of the Catholic Church in the democratic process. Alstop and hockey argued that abortion in Poland is almost never discussed how "the issue of his, but he became a symbolic resource to be deployed in different ways, the communist state, the Catholic Church and the post-communist governments. It should be noted that anti-abortion and to select the items included in their arguments compelling human rights and democratic rhetoric, and, therefore, be a clear illustration of post -relationship between different political narratives of human rights. Although proponents of restrictive legislation used the concept of Erga Omnes of abortion rights to life and physical integrity and dignity of life unborn and the rights of the child, their liberal opponents of the negative discourse of rights (eg right to privacy), who problematizes not only of medical ethics and abortion, as well as an act of violation of the principles of neutrality and non-interference of the state (Foucault, 1978, p. 94).

Consistent with the discourse of feminist theory developed eddy abortion rights language for women (in particular the right to reproductive self-determination) and tend to interpret the restrictive policies on abortion in a repressive regime, and sex "bio- politics. "This article shows that the tension between these different speech rights of abortion rights should not be viewed solely as a result ...