WHITE SUPREMACIST MOVEMENT WITH THE DOMESTIC RADICAL ISLAMISTS MOVEMENT

Christian/White Supremacist movement with the domestic radical Islamists movement

White Supremacist movement with the domestic radical Islamists movement

The White Supremacist Thesis and Its Critics

Despite the fact that it was in the period of the scientific revolution that the mainsprings of environmental managerial are to be found, there are those who urge that it was the coming of the new science that played a crucial role in the emergence of the modern environmental dilemma. Chief among these critics was Lynn White Jr. (1907-87), whose famed diagnosis of "The Historical Roots of Our Ecologic Crisis" appeared in Science in 1967. His claim was that environmental devastation had its roots in the Western marriage between science and technology, a union whose intellectual origins predated the scientific revolution.

From yet another perspective, the historian Keith Thomas argues that White and his supporters overestimate religious motivation in human behavior. For Thomas, it was the coming of private property and a money economy that fostered the exploitation of environment and the disenchantment of nature. In addition, he points to the contested character of the Judeo-Christian stance toward nature: Alongside the tradition sanctioning the human right to exploit nature's bounty was a persistent theology of human stewardship. This, too, is emphasized by Robin Attfield, who insists that the idea that everything exists to serve humanity is not the position of the Old Testament and that there is "much more evidence than is usually acknowledged for beneficent Christian attitudes to the environment and to nonhuman nature". (Scharlemann, 1990)

Christian/White Supremacist movement

Conditions in England in 1848 seem to have provided the fertile ground necessary for the birth of an explicitly Christian Socialism. England had observed the bloody revolts in France with horror, and fears arose that a similar violent revolt would break out among British workers who were similarly suffering under industrialization. The group then briefly published a newspaper for workers called Politics for the People, which upheld the ideals of socialism but presented them as Christian, rather than as political, concepts. They redefined "liberty, equality, and fraternity," watchwords of the French Revolution, in Christian terms of human connection and fellowship, appealing to common humanity under God rather than precise political or economic equality. (Altizer, 1963)

The Christian Socialists also taught against the doctrine of self-interest that had taken hold of politics and economic thought. They were not against the possibility of capitalism in principle, nor against the idea that some people must labor while others own property. Rather than self-interest and competition being the inherent laws of economics, however, Christian Socialism preached that cooperation was God's plan, serving the common good rather than the selfish individual good. (Derrida, 1973)

The Christian Socialist movement was thus more Christian than socialist in 1848. This changed somewhat when the group came into contact with a French socialist, Jules St. Andre Le Chevalier (1806-1862), who helped to politicize the movement. They learned from him more about the socialist principles of Saint-Simon, Charles Fourier (1772-1837), Proudhon, and others; and ...