Home Birth Stories

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Running Head:HOME BIRTH STORIES

Home Birth Stories

Home Biirth Stories

Introduction

Medical intervention in childbirth is now the norm in the UK and most affluent countries (Henley- Einion, 2003). The caesarean section rate in England rose from 4.6% in 1970 (Savage, 2001) to 23% in 2005/2006 (Information Centre, 2007). In 2005-2006, women who had usual births in England (47%) and Scotland (39.4%) were in the few (BirthChoice UK, 2006). English maternity statistics characterise the usual birth as one 'without surgical intervention, use of instruments, induction, episiotomy, epidural or general anaesthetic'. Thus, the 'normal delivery' assembly includes women who have: augmentation of labour; artificial rupture of the membranes if not part of health induction of labour; Entonox; opioids; electrical devices fetal monitoring; organised third stage of labour; and antenatal, consignment or postnatal complications (including, for demonstration, postpartum haemorrhage, perineal rip, fix of perineal trauma, and admission to special care baby unit or neonatal intensive care unit) (Information Centre, 2007; Maternity Care Working Party, 2007).

There is increasing anxiety about the public wellbeing influence and short- and long-run effects of rising intervention and caesarean rates in childbirth (National Institutes of Health, 2006; Gray et al., 2007; Villar et al., 2007). There is also the suggestion that events which happen in childbirth can sway women's fears for future births (Ayers and Pickering, 2001; Gottvall and Waldenstrom, 2002; Murphy et al., 2003; Weaver et al., 2007). Finally, there is also clues that increasing intervention is costly (Petrou and Glazener, 2002), and that caesarean section costs the wellbeing service substantially more than other modes of consignment (Henderson et al., 2001) in the variety of settings (Tracy and Tracy, 2003). The require has been recognised for farther research into the factors that maximise usual births and wholesome outcomes for mothers and babies (Department of Health, 2005), and one such component may be befitting antenatal groundwork for birth. Providing antenatal learning is part of the midwife's function (Nursing and Midwifery Council, 2005). In standard National Health Service (NHS) midwifery, antenatal classes are encouraged and the use of birth plans is encouraged. However, the effectiveness of such practices is disputed by professionals themselves (McIntosh, 1993; Price, 1998; Spiby, 1999; Nolan, 2001). Women have been discovered to be dissatisfied with the data they obtain throughout pregnancy and childbirth, especially when anticipating their first baby, and disadvantaged groups have adversity accessing the data they require (Singh et al., 2002). Nolan (1997, 2003) describes antenatal learning as an artificial construct which has historically echoed paternalistic obstetric values. THE Cochrane Review discovered that the effects of antenatal learning stay mostly unidentified (due to poor value trials), and resolved that farther research is needed to evolve productive ways of assisting wellbeing professionals support with child women and their partners in organising for birth and parenting, based on parents' needs (Gagnon, 2007).

In caseload midwifery perform, it is widespread perform for an individualised 'birth talk' to take location at round 36 weeks of gestation (Leap, 1996; Sandall et al., 2001; Kemp, 2002; Randle, 2002) between the with child woman ...
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